Relative Contribution of Metacognitive Beliefs and Expectancies to Drinking
Relative Contribution of Metacognitive Beliefs and Expectancies to Drinking
Aim: Alcohol expectancies refer to the effects of alcohol use anticipated by an individual. Metacognitive beliefs about alcohol use are a specific form of alcohol expectancy relating to the beliefs individuals hold about the effects of alcohol on cognition and emotion.
Method: A community sample of 355 individuals completed measures of alcohol expectancies, metacognitive beliefs about alcohol use, and drinking behaviour.
Results: Correlation analyses indicated that alcohol expectancies and metacognitive beliefs about alcohol use were positively correlated with drinking behaviour. Structural regression modelling revealed that three of the four facets of metacognitive beliefs about alcohol use were independent contributors to drinking behaviour, and that, when controlling for such beliefs, only negative social performance alcohol expectancies explained additional variance in drinking behaviour.
Conclusions: These results add to the argument that there is a value in differentiating between metacognitive beliefs about alcohol use and alcohol expectancies in predicting drinking behaviour.
Expectancies refer to a person's evaluation of an anticipated outcome (Tolman, 1932). This evaluation is understood to be primarily of an 'if-then' nature; if a certain event is presented, then a certain event is expected to follow (Bolles, 1972). Alcohol expectancies, therefore, refer to an individual's explicit or implicit set of beliefs about the effects of drinking alcohol (Brown, 1985; Brown et al., 1987). Alcohol expectancies are believed to reflect memories arising from various forms of learning (Del Boca et al., 2002).
According to Social Learning Theory (e.g. Maisto et al., 1999) and Outcome Expectancy models (e.g. Jones et al., 2001) information about the link between drinking behaviours and specific outcomes is learned. The concept of alcohol expectancies thus provides a theoretical framework for understanding a person's motivation to drink and can help explain problematic drinking behaviour.
The construct of alcohol expectancies is multidimensional, and includes both positive and negative effects of alcohol use (Leigh and Stacy, 1993). Positive alcohol expectancies (e.g. 'Drinking will make me relax') refer to the drinker's perception of the positive outcomes of drinking, and have been shown to be associated to alcohol consumption (Christiansen et al., 1989; Darkes and Goldman, 1993; Dunn and Goldman, 1996; Goldman et al., 1999). Negative alcohol expectancies (e.g. 'When I drink I have problems driving') refer to the expected negative outcomes that occur as a result of drinking and have been found, overall, to be less reliably associated to alcohol use (Christiansen et al., 1989; Stacy et al., 1990; McNally and Palfai, 2001). Indeed some studies have found this construct to be associated with lower levels of alcohol use (Leigh, 1989; Weirs et al., 1997; Kilbey et al., 1998; Sharkansky and Finn, 1998), and a lower probability for relapse after treatment (Eastman and Norris, 1982; Jones and McMahon, 1994), while other studies have reported a positive association with heavy drinking (Mann et al., 1987; McMahon et al., 1994) or no association to alcohol use (Southwick et al., 1981; Fromme et al., 1993).
The emergence of cognitive theories of psychopathology (e.g. Beck, 1976) has led to a growing interest in the characteristics of cognition and its regulation. One particular line of theoretical work has emphasized the role of metacognitive beliefs as central to the development and persistence of dysfunction (Wells, 2000). Metacognitive beliefs refer to the information individuals hold about their own cognition and internal states, and about coping strategies that impact on both (Brown, 1987; Wells and Matthews, 1994, 1996; Wells, 2000). Examples of information individuals hold about their own cognition and internal states may include beliefs concerning the significance of particular types of thoughts, e.g. 'It is bad to think thought X' or 'I need to control thought X'. Examples of information individuals hold about coping strategies that impact on cognition and internal states may include beliefs such as 'Smoking will help me get things sorted out in my mind' or 'Worrying will help me solve the problem'. According to the metacognitive theoretical tenet (Wells and Matthews, 1994, 1996; Wells, 2000) these beliefs are fundamental in predisposing individuals to develop response patterns to thoughts and internal events that are characterized by heightened self-focused attention, recyclical thinking patterns, avoidance and thought suppression, threat monitoring and maladaptive behaviours. Research evidence appears to support this contention, as metacognitive beliefs have been implicated in a variety of psychological problems including depression (Papageorgiou and Wells, 2003), generalized anxiety disorder (Cartwright-Hatton and Wells, 1997; Wells and Carter, 2001), hypochondriasis (Bouman and Meijer, 1999), obsessive-compulsive disorder (Emmelkamp and Aardema, 1999), post-traumatic stress disorder (Reynolds and Wells, 1999), procrastination (Spada et al., 2006a), psychosis (Morrison et al., 2000), smoking dependence (Spada et al., 2007) and test anxiety (Spada et al., 2006c).
Recent research undertaken by Spada and colleagues (Spada and Wells, 2005, 2006a,b; Spada et al., 2006b) has looked at the role of metacognition in alcohol use, identifying specific positive and negative metacognitive beliefs about alcohol use and finding these constructs to be associated with drinking behaviour. Positive metacognitive beliefs about alcohol use can be conceptualized as a specific form of expectancy relating to the use of alcohol as a means of controlling and regulating cognition and emotion. Examples of positive metacognitive beliefs about alcohol use may include: 'Drinking makes me think more clearly' (problem-solving), 'Drinking helps me to control my thoughts' (thought control), 'Drinking helps me focus my mind' (attention regulation), 'Drinking reduces my self-consciousness' (self-image control), 'Drinking reduces my anxious feelings' (emotion regulation). From a metacognitive standpoint such beliefs are thought to play a central role in motivating individuals to engage in alcohol use as a means of cognitive-emotional regulation (Spada and Wells, 2006a).
A key difference between positive alcohol expectancies and positive metacognitive beliefs about alcohol use is that the former do not explicitly distinguish between cognitive and metacognitive belief domains. Indeed, in existing positive alcohol expectancies measures some items appear to tap into the social-cognitive domain (e.g. 'Drinking will make me have a good time'; 'Drinking will give me pleasant physical effects'; 'Drinking will make me more outgoing') while others appear to tap into the metacognitive domain (e.g. 'Drinking will take away my negative mood and feelings'; 'Drinking allows me to take my mind off problems'). Furthermore, none of the current positive alcohol expectancies measures clearly identify beliefs concerning the usefulness of alcohol as a cognitive control and self-regulation tool (i.e. specific beliefs regarding problem-solving, thought control, attention regulation, and self-image control arising from alcohol use).
Negative metacognitive beliefs about alcohol use concern the perception of lack of executive control over alcohol use (e.g. 'My drinking persists no matter how I try to control it'), and the judgement of the negative impact of alcohol use on cognitive functioning (e.g. 'Drinking will damage my mind'). From a metacognitive standpoint, such beliefs are thought to play a crucial role in the perpetuation of alcohol use (Spada and Wells, 2006a) by becoming activated during, and following a drinking episode, and triggering negative emotional states that compel a person to drink more. Negative alcohol expectancies differ from such beliefs inasmuch as they mainly measure general negative outcomes arising from alcohol use (e.g. 'I get a hangover'; 'I feel guilty'). Therefore, there is some overlap between metacognitive beliefs about alcohol use and alcohol expectancies but this is limited to beliefs regarding the effects of alcohol on emotional self-regulation.
In view of the potential role of metacognitive beliefs in drinking behaviour, and the metacognitive theoretical tenet (Wells and Matthews, 1994, 1996; Wells, 2000) that such beliefs should contribute significantly to psychopathology, additional research is required that may contribute to our knowledge of the relative contribution of alcohol expectancies and metacognitive beliefs about alcohol use to drinking behaviour. In this paper, we report a study aimed at comparing the two constructs. We hypothesized that positive and negative metacognitive beliefs about alcohol use would explain additional variance in drinking behaviour when compared to alcohol expectancies.
Aim: Alcohol expectancies refer to the effects of alcohol use anticipated by an individual. Metacognitive beliefs about alcohol use are a specific form of alcohol expectancy relating to the beliefs individuals hold about the effects of alcohol on cognition and emotion.
Method: A community sample of 355 individuals completed measures of alcohol expectancies, metacognitive beliefs about alcohol use, and drinking behaviour.
Results: Correlation analyses indicated that alcohol expectancies and metacognitive beliefs about alcohol use were positively correlated with drinking behaviour. Structural regression modelling revealed that three of the four facets of metacognitive beliefs about alcohol use were independent contributors to drinking behaviour, and that, when controlling for such beliefs, only negative social performance alcohol expectancies explained additional variance in drinking behaviour.
Conclusions: These results add to the argument that there is a value in differentiating between metacognitive beliefs about alcohol use and alcohol expectancies in predicting drinking behaviour.
Expectancies refer to a person's evaluation of an anticipated outcome (Tolman, 1932). This evaluation is understood to be primarily of an 'if-then' nature; if a certain event is presented, then a certain event is expected to follow (Bolles, 1972). Alcohol expectancies, therefore, refer to an individual's explicit or implicit set of beliefs about the effects of drinking alcohol (Brown, 1985; Brown et al., 1987). Alcohol expectancies are believed to reflect memories arising from various forms of learning (Del Boca et al., 2002).
According to Social Learning Theory (e.g. Maisto et al., 1999) and Outcome Expectancy models (e.g. Jones et al., 2001) information about the link between drinking behaviours and specific outcomes is learned. The concept of alcohol expectancies thus provides a theoretical framework for understanding a person's motivation to drink and can help explain problematic drinking behaviour.
The construct of alcohol expectancies is multidimensional, and includes both positive and negative effects of alcohol use (Leigh and Stacy, 1993). Positive alcohol expectancies (e.g. 'Drinking will make me relax') refer to the drinker's perception of the positive outcomes of drinking, and have been shown to be associated to alcohol consumption (Christiansen et al., 1989; Darkes and Goldman, 1993; Dunn and Goldman, 1996; Goldman et al., 1999). Negative alcohol expectancies (e.g. 'When I drink I have problems driving') refer to the expected negative outcomes that occur as a result of drinking and have been found, overall, to be less reliably associated to alcohol use (Christiansen et al., 1989; Stacy et al., 1990; McNally and Palfai, 2001). Indeed some studies have found this construct to be associated with lower levels of alcohol use (Leigh, 1989; Weirs et al., 1997; Kilbey et al., 1998; Sharkansky and Finn, 1998), and a lower probability for relapse after treatment (Eastman and Norris, 1982; Jones and McMahon, 1994), while other studies have reported a positive association with heavy drinking (Mann et al., 1987; McMahon et al., 1994) or no association to alcohol use (Southwick et al., 1981; Fromme et al., 1993).
The emergence of cognitive theories of psychopathology (e.g. Beck, 1976) has led to a growing interest in the characteristics of cognition and its regulation. One particular line of theoretical work has emphasized the role of metacognitive beliefs as central to the development and persistence of dysfunction (Wells, 2000). Metacognitive beliefs refer to the information individuals hold about their own cognition and internal states, and about coping strategies that impact on both (Brown, 1987; Wells and Matthews, 1994, 1996; Wells, 2000). Examples of information individuals hold about their own cognition and internal states may include beliefs concerning the significance of particular types of thoughts, e.g. 'It is bad to think thought X' or 'I need to control thought X'. Examples of information individuals hold about coping strategies that impact on cognition and internal states may include beliefs such as 'Smoking will help me get things sorted out in my mind' or 'Worrying will help me solve the problem'. According to the metacognitive theoretical tenet (Wells and Matthews, 1994, 1996; Wells, 2000) these beliefs are fundamental in predisposing individuals to develop response patterns to thoughts and internal events that are characterized by heightened self-focused attention, recyclical thinking patterns, avoidance and thought suppression, threat monitoring and maladaptive behaviours. Research evidence appears to support this contention, as metacognitive beliefs have been implicated in a variety of psychological problems including depression (Papageorgiou and Wells, 2003), generalized anxiety disorder (Cartwright-Hatton and Wells, 1997; Wells and Carter, 2001), hypochondriasis (Bouman and Meijer, 1999), obsessive-compulsive disorder (Emmelkamp and Aardema, 1999), post-traumatic stress disorder (Reynolds and Wells, 1999), procrastination (Spada et al., 2006a), psychosis (Morrison et al., 2000), smoking dependence (Spada et al., 2007) and test anxiety (Spada et al., 2006c).
Recent research undertaken by Spada and colleagues (Spada and Wells, 2005, 2006a,b; Spada et al., 2006b) has looked at the role of metacognition in alcohol use, identifying specific positive and negative metacognitive beliefs about alcohol use and finding these constructs to be associated with drinking behaviour. Positive metacognitive beliefs about alcohol use can be conceptualized as a specific form of expectancy relating to the use of alcohol as a means of controlling and regulating cognition and emotion. Examples of positive metacognitive beliefs about alcohol use may include: 'Drinking makes me think more clearly' (problem-solving), 'Drinking helps me to control my thoughts' (thought control), 'Drinking helps me focus my mind' (attention regulation), 'Drinking reduces my self-consciousness' (self-image control), 'Drinking reduces my anxious feelings' (emotion regulation). From a metacognitive standpoint such beliefs are thought to play a central role in motivating individuals to engage in alcohol use as a means of cognitive-emotional regulation (Spada and Wells, 2006a).
A key difference between positive alcohol expectancies and positive metacognitive beliefs about alcohol use is that the former do not explicitly distinguish between cognitive and metacognitive belief domains. Indeed, in existing positive alcohol expectancies measures some items appear to tap into the social-cognitive domain (e.g. 'Drinking will make me have a good time'; 'Drinking will give me pleasant physical effects'; 'Drinking will make me more outgoing') while others appear to tap into the metacognitive domain (e.g. 'Drinking will take away my negative mood and feelings'; 'Drinking allows me to take my mind off problems'). Furthermore, none of the current positive alcohol expectancies measures clearly identify beliefs concerning the usefulness of alcohol as a cognitive control and self-regulation tool (i.e. specific beliefs regarding problem-solving, thought control, attention regulation, and self-image control arising from alcohol use).
Negative metacognitive beliefs about alcohol use concern the perception of lack of executive control over alcohol use (e.g. 'My drinking persists no matter how I try to control it'), and the judgement of the negative impact of alcohol use on cognitive functioning (e.g. 'Drinking will damage my mind'). From a metacognitive standpoint, such beliefs are thought to play a crucial role in the perpetuation of alcohol use (Spada and Wells, 2006a) by becoming activated during, and following a drinking episode, and triggering negative emotional states that compel a person to drink more. Negative alcohol expectancies differ from such beliefs inasmuch as they mainly measure general negative outcomes arising from alcohol use (e.g. 'I get a hangover'; 'I feel guilty'). Therefore, there is some overlap between metacognitive beliefs about alcohol use and alcohol expectancies but this is limited to beliefs regarding the effects of alcohol on emotional self-regulation.
In view of the potential role of metacognitive beliefs in drinking behaviour, and the metacognitive theoretical tenet (Wells and Matthews, 1994, 1996; Wells, 2000) that such beliefs should contribute significantly to psychopathology, additional research is required that may contribute to our knowledge of the relative contribution of alcohol expectancies and metacognitive beliefs about alcohol use to drinking behaviour. In this paper, we report a study aimed at comparing the two constructs. We hypothesized that positive and negative metacognitive beliefs about alcohol use would explain additional variance in drinking behaviour when compared to alcohol expectancies.
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